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The article enhances Frigga Haug's theses on Marxism-feminism by discussing a silence in the theses regarding the internal colonialism of the feminist movement that continue creating racialised hierarchies among White feminist and indigenous people and women of colour and their struggles. The author contends that Marxism-Feminism is failing to find new ways to understand diversity due to the influence of traditional Eurocentric Marxism. To tackle the problem, Marxism-feminism requires a decolonising Marxism that draws on 'late Marx' and recent Marxist and feminist theoretical developments aiming to criticise and de-Westernise and de-Eurocentralise Marxism. The author explores four elements for a 'decolonising' Marxism (value theory, subsumption and social formation, linear development of radical change and temporality of struggles) and discusses its implications on Marxism-feminism towards a possible thesis 14 on Marxism-feminism.

The contributions to the Forum refer to Simon Clarke's 'two stages of the same project', as Clarke explained regarding Marx's work. They make apparent that Clarke's initial intellectual contributions to the critique of political economy, form analysis, value theory, theory of the state and money were essential to his later understanding of the collapse and metamorphosis of the former URSS State Socialism into a capitalist form, and his analysis of the political implications of such transformation on labour relations, working-class interests and class struggle in Russia, other Eastern European countries, China, and Vietnam.

ABSTRACTTo what extent are recent labour upsurges defensive struggles? This essay uses the experience of the Argentinean Movement of Unemployed Workers (also called the Piquetero movement) as the empirical basis for discussing the contribution of unemployed workers to the current reshaping of the labour question. The author offers an alternative interpretation of the Piqueteros' experience of resistance that emphasizes their critique and alternative visions, and the transformations and alternatives that the movement put forward at a time when 'labour' was said to be defeated. The struggles of the unemployed workers in Argentina during the 1990s should not be classified as a defensive struggle for inclusion in the labour market, or as a demand for social security (although these demands were significant in the Piqueteros' agenda); rather they should be seen as advancing significant changes at identity/organizational, socioeconomic and political institutional levels. These changes deserve special attention in terms of their significance for the reshaping of the labour question in the twenty‐first century. The Piquetero utopia of dignified work does not rely on state policy such as Universal Income Support. Instead, the state and policy are mediations of the autonomous struggle for the prefigurations of a better society.

To what extents are recent labour upsurges defensive struggles? I use the experience of the Argentinean Movement of Unemployed Workers (also called the Piquetero movement) as my empirical basis for discussing the contribution of unemployed workers to the current reshaping of the labour question. I offer an alternative interpretation of the Piquetero experience of resistance that emphasises their critique and alternative visions, and the transformations and alternatives that the movement put forward at a time when 'labour' was said to be defeated. The struggles of the unemployed workers in Argentina during the 1990s should not be classified as a defensive struggle for inclusion in the labour market or as a demand for social security (although these demands were significant in the Piqueteros' agenda), but rather as advancing significant changes at identity/organizational, socioeconomic and political institutional levels — changes that deserve special attention in terms of their significance for the reshaping of the labour question in the twenty-first century. The Piquetero utopia of dignified work does not rely on state policy such as Universal Income Support. Rather, the state and policy are mediations of their autonomous struggle for the prefigurations of a better society.

There is growing interest within international organizations and governmental institutions in obtaining support from social movements and SSE organizations for new public policies and laws that encourage their engagement and participation from below, and facilitate their access to the new policy schemes (Fonteneau et al. 2010; UNRISD 2010). This underscores the growing importance of civil society actors (including social movements) in rethinking "development" and in devising and effecting development policy, particularly in the current period of global crisis. In this chapter I address another concern emanating from this disposition of international development policy with regards to social movements—namely the process of translation of SSE practices into state policy. By translation I mean the processes, mechanisms and dynamics through which the state incorporates the cooperative and solidarity ethos of the SSE practised by social movements into policy. The problem lies in that, in order to integrate SSE practices into policy, the state tends to demarcate a terrain that, as Vázquez (2011:36) suggests with reference to the epistemic violence of modernity, "renders invisible everything that does not fit in the 'parameters of legibility' of [its] epistemic territory". In this case, translation entails the subjugation of the emancipatory dimension of SSE into the logic of power rather than enabling the transformative aspects of SSE to flourish. Drawing on the example of three well-known Latin American movements, I examine the tension underpinning SSE practices and the state and how the former can be subordinated to the logic of the state with significant implications for emancipatory politics and practice.

IThis chapter explores the fate of the emancipatory energy of the December 2001 mobilisation. Many of the demands put forward during the December 2001 events by mobilised citizens and social and labour movements were incorporated into the state agenda. Yet, QSVT produced an excess that has no grammar in the logic of state power/policy. The process of how QSVT was "translated" into law and policy is discussed with reference to the contentious politics surrounding 'dignified work' between the state and radical sectors of the movement of unemployed workers (Piqueteros). Appropriation and integration began with repression (during the December 2001 events and at Pueyrredón Bridge, Avellaneda in June 2002 where two Piqueteros protesters were killed). The later constitute the foundations for the creation of a new stability that de-radicalised the spirit of QSVT. The two tenets of QSVT (disagreement and hope) remain the 'hidden transcripts' of the political recovery of Argentina post-crisis.

This article offers a comprehensive review of John Holloway's Crack Capitalism by situating it within the wider body of his work spanning the last two decades. The article reflects on the significance of Holloway's argument that revolution must be conceived as an interstitial process, suggesting that this latest volume offers both a more grounded analysis of capitalism and an exploration of the poetry of 'cracks' that rupture the capitalist 'synthesis'. Holloway effectively articulates Adorno's negative dialectics with Bloch's principle of hope, pointing to the necessity of rejecting what-is and opening outwards to what-is-not-yet.

This article aims to contribute to the debate on the short- to medium-term political implications of the 2001 Argentine crisis (see issues 10.4, pp. 5-38 and 14.1. pp. 155-248 of this journal). The bulk of the argument deals with the criticism of the notion of 'reinvention of politics'. The article presents the theoretical premises and empirical data which sustain this proposal. It is argued that in order to appreciate the political innovation brought about by the events of December 2001, it is important first to consider the political, social and economic forms of capitalist transformations and crises that shaped them. Secondly, to locate this event in historical perspective, as a constitutive node within a non-teleological continuum of resistance. Thirdly, to view capitalist crises as presenting open opportunities for the reinvention of the forms of resistance, and to underscore that reinvention occurs as a result of simultaneous struggles against capital and for self-affirmation and recognition. By using examples of organisational innovation and social intervention by the piquetero movement it is suggested that December 2001 led to new practices or facilitated the development of existing forms of collective action that have often been overlooked by those disappointed by the ensuing political developments. The article also discusses the problem of periodisation, addressing the relationship between Marxism and the use of data produced by non-Marxist researchers, and calls into question the adequacy of Cartesian rationality for understanding December 2001 and the meaning of political change in Argentina. Adapted from the source document.